The honeymoon is over for Jokowi

By CATRIONA CROFT-CUSWORTH
This time last year, Joko Widodo's supporters took to the streets to celebrate his victory in Indonesia's presidential election. He was hailed as the people's president, his win in the polls seen to signal a new chapter for Indonesian democracy.

The former furniture salesman and small-town mayor, who insisted on being called by his nickname, "Jokowi", represented a break from the stronghold of elite and military circles over the nation's highest position of power.

One year on, and the president has developed a very different reputation, both at home in Indonesia and internationally. Social media users in the world's most active Twitter-using country have in recent weeks adopted the trending hashtag #SudahlahJokowi (Enough already, Jokowi) to express their disillusionment.

Relations with Australia have hit a new low, with an ambassador being recalled from Indonesia for the first time. Meanwhile, the Australian public's feelings toward Indonesia have cooled to the lowest point in eight years, according to the latest Lowy Institute Poll.

Jokowi's honeymoon period is well and truly over. As he was officially inaugurated in October last year, the president is now only nine months in to a five-year term. He may have outstripped elite and military figures during election season, but Jokowi is now struggling to take control of the presidency without the full support of his party and coalition. His attempts to regain the people's support, such as by showing decisiveness on pursuing the death penalty for drug smugglers, have cost the president credibility among human rights supporters and international observers.

So what has gone wrong for Jokowi since this time last year? And what will it mean for the future of Indonesia, and for Australia-Indonesia relations?

Domestically, Jokowi's biggest challenge is getting out from under the thumb of Megawati Sukarnoputri, his party leader. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), founded by Megawati, is the political machine that picked out Jokowi as the popular mayor of his hometown in Central Java and supported his rise to become governor of the capital – and then president of the country.

At a party congress in Bali in April, Megawati gave a speech that indirectly reminded Jokowi of his origins, and advised that he toe the party line. Jokowi himself was not invited to speak at the congress.

The Indonesian public is well aware of this dynamic. As the incoming president, Jokowi made a show of filling his cabinet based on the new ministers' credentials, rather than their political affiliations – though a few appointments were still criticised as being politically motivated, including the appointment of Megawati's daughter Puan Maharani as minister for human resource development and cultural affairs.

Meanwhile, when it came to nominating a new national police chief in January, Jokowi chose Budi Gunawan​, a close friend of Megawati. The Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) advised against the appointment due to outstanding graft allegations while the parliament, and the president's party, backed it. Jokowi was caught between toeing the party line and siding with the KPK, backed by the volunteer support base that carried his presidential campaign.

Instead, Jokowi took a back seat as the drama unfolded. The police retaliated against the KPK by levelling charges against its top investigators. The country's most trusted anti-corruption body looked on the brink of collapse. The military moved to secure the KPK, reigniting tension between the police and the armed forces. Finally, Jokowi dropped Gunawan's nomination for police chief – only to see him quietly inaugurated as deputy police chief in April.

By the end of January, a poll by the Indonesia Survey Circle (LSI) showed that 54 per cent of respondents were dissatisfied with Jokowi's performance as president. A poll by Puspol Indonesia in February showed dissatisfaction as low as 74.6 per cent.